<![CDATA[Democrat Party]]><![CDATA[Israel]]><![CDATA[John Fetterman]]>Featured

Fetterman Votes With Democrats, Then Defies Them When Courage Counts – PJ Media

Sen. John Fetterman (D-Pa.) was walking through the Capitol when two reporters tried to corner him over Israel. Fetterman turned the questions around and asked why their publication seemed so fond of Hamas, Hezbollah, and Iran.





He then wondered which one was more pro-Hamas, and the planned hallway interrogation fell apart.

Fetterman didn’t offer the polished answer Senate staffers usually prepare, showing no interest in winning approval from activists who treat Israel as the villain while its terrorist enemies receive endless excuses.

His blunt response captured why Democratic leaders never seem sure what to do with him.

Fetterman still votes with Democrats far more often than he opposes them. He remains anti-life, pro-labor, pro-marijuana, pro-SNAP, and supportive of the causes for the alphabet mafia.

He also believes his party can’t define itself by opposing everything President Donald Trump says or supports.

Israel marks his clearest breaking point; Fetterman has warned that he would leave the Democratic Party if it formally became anti-Israel. He has no interest in becoming a Republican, leaving independence as the likely route.

From his website:

These once-common views have become increasingly toxic in the Democratic Party, a result of catering to the fringe and agitated parts of our base. The party is fractured by their demands, heightened after the Gaza war and even more after Trump was elected in 2024. Numerous protesters have followed me around D.C. or shown up at my Braddock home to tell me I’m a traitor simply for voting my conscience, unapologetically standing with Israel and the global Jewish community, keeping our government open and our workers paid, securing our border — stances that were not unusual. My values have not changed, and I have always turned to those kinds of ideals that defined being a Democrat. I remain strongly pro-choice, pro-weed, pro-LGBT, pro-SNAP, pro-labor and even pro-rib-eye over bio slop.

I refuse to cave on my conscience because Pennsylvania deserves someone who is honest and can work across the aisle.

Transportation Secretary Sean P. Duffy and I worked together to unfreeze $1 billion in federal funding for transportation projects across Pennsylvania. Sen. Dave McCormick (R-Pennsylvania) and I have delivered hundreds of millions of federal dollars to our state for projects that improve the lives of our 13 million constituents, including $600 million to rebuild the Delaware River Bridge and improve the Pennsylvania Turnpike. Sen. Jim Justice (R-West Virginia) and I introduced the Hot Rotisserie Chicken Act to allow Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program recipients to use their benefits to buy hot rotisserie chicken. Sen. Katie Boyd Britt (R-Alabama) and I have worked together to protect the mental health of kids with our Stop the Scroll Act. Sen. Cynthia Lummis (R-Wyoming) and I have taken Pennsylvania’s wildly successful Whole-Home Repairs Program and introduced a bill to bring it to the national level to keep Americans in their homes.

Being an independent voice that works with the other side to deliver for Pennsylvanians might put me at odds with the party that I have stayed committed to and have no plans to leave — but I will continue to put the commonwealth and the country first.

Plus, I’d be a terrible Republican who still votes overwhelmingly with Democrats.





Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) quickly urged him to stay, praised him as a “very good member of Congress,” and insisted Democrats remain a big-tent party. From Just the News:

Reporters asked Schumer whether he believed Fetterman should remain in the party, despite his more favorable view of the current administration and some of its policies, to which Schumer said he did believe the Pennsylvanian should stay.

“Yes, and he is a very good member of Congress,” Schumer said. “People in our caucus very much like him and respect him and we’re a big-tent party. We can have a lot of different views in that party.”

The comment also comes after Senate Majority Leader John Thune said he would support Fetterman caucusing with Republicans if he were to leave the Democratic Party, and that he has had conversations with the senator about doing so.

“I have had conversations with him in the past as have many of my colleagues about the challenges he faces in his caucus,” Thune said last week. “There are many of us who, I think, would welcome the opportunity to have him join the Republican conference, but ultimately that’s a decision that’s up to him.”

Schumer’s reassurance sounded less like confidence than containment. A Senate leader shouldn’t need to plead for room to support Israel, condemn Hamas, and recognize Iran and Hezbollah as threats.

Fetterman’s refusal to bend the knee keeps exposing how far party activists have moved from positions Democrats once considered ordinary.

The same streak appeared Wednesday during the Senate hearing with Anthony Fauci. Fetterman said he wasn’t there to attack or defend Fauci; he spoke about relatives lost to COVID-19 and businesses destroyed during the pandemic, calling economic ruin “a different kind of death.”





Then he admitted his failure, saying the possibility that the Kung-Flu came from a laboratory made sense to him, but he stayed quiet after the idea was branded a right-wing theory. He urged leaders to follow the truth next time without checking whether an R or D stands beside someone’s name.

Fauci continually invoked the Fifth Amendment, either forgetting or ignoring that the autopen pardon eliminates the possibility of self-incrimination.

Fetterman’s admission carried more weight than another rehearsed defense of the government’s pandemic record. He conceded that tribal politics silenced a question he believed deserved consideration. 

Few Democrats have shown the same willingness to publicly say so.

A similar break occurs whenever immigration enforcement enters the debate. Fetterman criticized ICE tactics during the Minneapolis operation and called for them to end.

In the same statement, he rejected demands to abolish ICE, supported a secure border, and said criminal migrants should be deported. He also refused to shut down the government in a doomed attempt to eliminate the funding Congress had already approved.

Fetterman was the lead Democrat supporting the Laken Riley Act. He’s backed stronger action against fentanyl trafficking and enforcement against violent illegal immigrants.





He can criticize how ICE carries out an operation without joining activists who want the agency abolished.

Conservatives shouldn’t pretend Fetterman has joined their side.

He hasn’t.

Courage doesn’t require agreement on every vote; it requires standing firm when your allies threaten, ridicule, or isolate you for saying what you believe.

Fetterman will frustrate Republicans again. When Israel, ICE, law enforcement, or even the origins of COVID come up, however, his spine appears.

Schumer keeps talking about a big tent, while Fetterman keeps showing how narrow the Democratic Party has become.


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