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What Viktor Orbán’s Concession Reveals – HotAir

Honestly, I haven’t much of an opinion about Viktor Orbán beyond the sense that he is right about the dangers of mass migration and his Euroscepticism. 

Not having spent much time thinking about him, other than noticing that the hatred directed at him seemed excessive and based on his rejection of transnationalism more than on anything else, I concede that he may be as corrupt as, say, Joe Biden, and hence unfit for office. Or not. I really don’t know. 





But what I do know is that Orbán’s rapid concession in his election yesterday gives the lie to the most malicious accusations against him: that he is an autocrat and hostile to democracy. 

Unlike, say, Hillary Clinton or Stacey Abrams, he isn’t going on and on about the election being stolen, despite the fact that the European Union spent enormous resources using its draconian speech laws to silence him and his supporters. They regulated what could be reported or shared on social media, and conducted a years-long campaign against him. 

Whether that drove him out of office or was a sense that Orbán’s time had passed, we will never know. No doubt, over time, the guy accumulated enemies and scandals as any politician does, and his 15-year run as Prime Minister was already unusually long, and it wouldn’t surprise me if people were just tired of him or the controversies around him. 





Péter Magyar is not the anti-Orbán. He is running on a platform that is Orbán without the corruption.

As Orban, Magyar opposes the EU migration pact. He voted against the loan to Ukraine. He wants strong borders and has no plans to reverse Hungary’s energy ties with Russia before 2035. On every substantive question that defines the European left-right divide, Magyar sits exactly where Orbán sits.

What he promises to change is governance, not ideology. Anti-corruption reforms, rule of law, meritocratic appointments, unlocking frozen EU funds. A voter who backed Orbán for border security and national sovereignty can vote for Magyar without abandoning a single conviction. The only thing that voter has to abandon is tolerance for theft.

Orbán did not lose the argument. He lost the trust.

Orban’s ouster is, ironically, proof that the worst accusations against him are and always were total crap. I don’t say that because I have some particular love for the guy or his policies. As I said, I just haven’t obsessed about Hungary, so my opinions are based on little more than vague impressions. 

But, obviously, one can’t be an autocrat and be willing to step aside after losing an election. The entire government apparatus was not built around propping him up in power. The election was not like Cuba’s or Venezuela’s, and totally rigged.





Of course, the same people up in arms about Viktor Orbán’s supposed autocratic tendencies defend Cuba and were outraged by the ouster of Maduro. 

A lot of people on the right are worried, perhaps rightly, that Magyar is the Hungarian Spanberger—running as a centrist, but he will govern as a leftist. Again, I have no idea. Orbán’s popularity among conservatives was based largely on his resistance to mass migration, and people are rightly worried that Magyar will give in to pressure to open his borders. 

If he does, that will be tragic, and no doubt Orbán’s supporters will rightly gnash their teeth. 

But none of them is calling for a civil war, rioting in the streets, or demanding that Orbán seize power. They are bowing to the democratic will of the electorate. 





Which is exactly what Orbán’s opponents claimed would not happen. 

When the left talks about “saving democracy,” they are really only talking about saving their own power. It’s not that there aren’t autocrats in the world; it’s that liberals love autocrats, as long as they get to be them. 


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