Herbert “Herb” Morrison was a reporter for WLS Chicago covering the arrival of the LZ 129 Hindenburg at Lakehurst, NJ, on May 6, 1927. It was a routine assignment, but one with national interest. The Hindenburg was the largest airship ever built, and wherever it went, it generated enthusiasm.
As the huge dirigible drifted down toward its moorings, the wind caused one of the lines to strike a metal part of the ship, generating one spark. That was all that was needed to create one of the most spectacular disasters in American history.
Morrison’s reporting was raw, emotional, and all too real.
“The smoke, and it’s flames now, and the frame is crashing to the ground, not quite to the mooring mast. Oh, the humanity, and all the passengers screaming around here. I told you. It’s—I can’t even talk to people whose friends were on there. It—It’s… ah! I—I can’t talk, ladies and gentlemen.”
This is very indicative of how the Democrats felt when the Virginia Supreme Court nixed one of the most blatantly partisan legislative maps in American history. Fortunately, they counted too much on the Virginia Supreme Court to codify their electoral machinations. Instead, the court ruled 4-3 that the gerrymandered map should be tossed, and the map that governed the 2024 election should be reinstated.
The majority opinion of the court found that the legislature violated the multistep process for putting constitutional amendments on the ballot, and that the “constitutional violation incurably taints the resulting referendum vote and nullifies its legal efficacy.”
This was the second setback for Democrats in a week. Earlier, the U.S. Supreme Court, in Louisiana v. Callais, modified Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act (VRA) that allowed activist groups to create majority-minority districts that favored Democrats. This has encouraged Republicans in states like Tennessee and Mississippi to redraw their maps, thus giving the GOP an additional 3 or 4 seats.
Along with Texas and Florida’s gerrymandering, observers believe the Republicans could win an additional 10 or 11 seats in the November midterms.
Oh, the humanity.
In practical political terms, this means that if the Democrats run on their radical left agenda, they are going to be slaughtered. Josh Barro outlines what that means.
We must give voters in red-leaning districts confidence that when their candidates break with unpopular Democratic positions on issues like immigration, crime, fossil fuels, racial preferences, and trans participation in women’s sports, that will matter for lawmaking.
Democrats do not need to move to the center on every issue. There are important policy areas where the progressive position is the popular one: abortion rights, protecting Medicare and Social Security, enhancing ACA subsidies, taxing the wealthy, opposing the war in Iran and more. But the unfavorable map makes it more important than ever for Democrats to get out of a mindset driven by wealthy progressive donors and the NGOs they fund and into the head of a typical swing voter who is angry about inflation and war under Trump, regretful of the end of Roe v. Wade, upset the rich are not paying their fair share, and concerned about the cost of healthcare and the security of old-age benefits; but also skeptical of Democrats’ willingness to fight crime and enforce immigration law, and seeing us as too obsessed with “identity” issues, too hostile to cheap energy, and nearly as disreputable as Republicans on inflation.
It’s not enough, and I don’t think Josh understands the nuances of abortion and the ACA subsidies. Unless these candidates come out explicitly against the Planned Parenthood position on partial birth abortions and paying for illegal aliens’ health insurance, they aren’t going to make enough headway in red districts to garner a majority.
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It’s hard to overstate the impact this judicial double-whammy has on the Democrats. I wrote this on Tuesday after the Callais decision began to sink in:
The Supreme Court’s Callais ruling sounds the death knell for the Democratic Party as we know it today. “Ballotpedia, using data from the U.S. Census Bureau’s 2024 American Community Survey, estimates that these racially gerrymandered districts account for 148 seats in the House of Representatives,” reports The American Spectator. “This is about one third of the House’s 435 districts and 122 of them are held by Democrats — more than half of their 212 seats.”
Without their majority-minority districts and the racial gerrymanders that gave them such a huge advantage in dozens of other districts, Democrats risk becoming what the Republicans were in the 1950s and 60s: a minority party with little chance of winning majorities. Then, it was the continued rejection by Republicans of “New Deal” thinking. Until Reagan, the GOP had no figure capable of articulating an effective response.
Now, Democrats have no effective response for Republicans who are seen as protectors of American values. Until Democrats start challenging their crazies to back off (or go away), they will continue to lose to GOP “normies.”
Editor’s Note: The Democrat Party has never been less popular as voters reject its globalist agenda.
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